Showing posts with label Culture. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Culture. Show all posts

Monday, January 3, 2011

Possible Grant Proposal for Fieldwork in BMore

(A montage of rap artists)

Describe your research question/hypothesis or research objective:

To what degree, if any, is socialization—the process in which societal identities are formed—of black youth in Baltimore City influenced by rap music? Given the idea that the mass media has a primary role in influencing elements of culture and shaping personalities and perspectives, I assert the likelihood that rap culture actively influences the cultural capital of black youth. Growing up around rap music in the latter ages of my youth, I became familiar with trends and styles that were ‘in’ as a result of a rapper’s appearance on a magazine cover or from the lyrics in a frequently played song on the radio. The commercialization of rap music additionally marked a growing relationship between endorsement deals and rap artists, thus forming marketing schemes that appeal to rap fans wishing to replicate materialistic identities. In focusing on only black youth I attempt to look at all aspects of black culture that converge with rap culture. Rather than general, mass-mediated popular music, the decision to specifically choose rap music and black inner-city youth allows me the opportunity to focus on historical, cultural, and socio-economic factors that may be buried or go unnoticed with a broader research population. It is important to understand that while rap music has undergone vast changes since its inception, especially with its emergence into mainstream society, rap music is still an element unique to black culture that speaks to values, lifestyles, struggles, and so forth experienced by members of the black community.

Describe the field you propose to study, define its boundaries, and explain any characteristics that will affect your research methodology:

There are four domains that require a definition of boundaries and an understanding of its cultural makeup to properly grasp their relationships with one another: 1) rap culture, 2) rap music, 3) black youth, 4) and Baltimore City. I use Tylor’s (1871) definition to assist in defining rap culture. “Culture, or civilization, taken in its broad, ethnographic sense, is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society.” Thus, rap culture is a conglomeration of these elements resulting in a creation of a unique way of life. Secondly, rap music itself is immensely difficult to define with recent genre fusions in music and even differing rap subcultures (Southern rap as compared to East Coast rap or ‘gangsta rap’ as compared to rap music that engages social and political issues). I will define rap music simply as music that embraces or embodies rap culture and is performed in a spoken, yet lyrical content by an emcee or a group of emcees to a beat. Thirdly, black youth I have designated as individuals between 13 and 20 who recognize themselves and are recognized by others as black, or African-American. I have no intention of restricting possible informants with interracial heritage as long as black culture is prevalent in his or her daily life. Fourthly, I decided to define Baltimore City, my field, within its current political designations, West, Central, and East Baltimore. After briefly studying various demographic and political maps of Baltimore, I found that West, Central, and East Baltimore encompass what is geographically and culturally understood as the inner city of Baltimore. While I do want to have an accurate and expansive selection of informants, I intentionally decided to refrain from selecting particular neighborhoods of study before establishing rapport and determining whether or not work in certain areas is feasible.

How does your research project build on previous research in anthropology/cultural studies, or closely related disciplines? Give specific examples of this research and its findings?

Although the field of rap music has not been extensively researched in the capacity of socialization and in disciplines like media anthropology, but the theories backing my research supplements beliefs of socialization and cultural capital held by Altheide and Bourdieu.

What evidence will you need to collect to answer your question? How will you collect and analyze this evidence?

I have selected several methods to help me define the relationships between Baltimore City youth culture and the culture of rap music. These methods will be employed in order to extract information regarding practices and actions of youth, and also attitudes and emotions. Attitudes and emotions are terms more commonly heard in social psychology, yet, ethnographic methods dealing with one’s sensory experience can equally extract useful data on cognition. Cohen states that self-knowledge can be attained and is not less important than social knowledge. He argues,

…although people’s self-knowledge is not easily available to the ethnographer, anthropology cannot continue to be written as if it does not exist, or is immaterial, or, even, is less important than ‘social knowledge’. People’s knowledge of themselves is of critical importance to us for without it we misunderstand them (1992, original italics).

With this in mind, I have extended the idea of photo elicitation to an audio format. This entails listening to a favorite rap album, for instance, and having the subject explain how they may feel about a particular album, how the album came into their possession, what was happening in their life at the time the album was received, or which lines are ‘quotables’. To understand one’s feelings in this context is to understand self-knowledge. In addition to audio elicitation, photo and video elicitation are individually unique in accessing certain forms of implicit knowledge. The goal here is to carefully organize and synthesize elicited information in order to conclude whether or not parallels exist between elicited attitudes and emotions and rap culture. Additionally, Hendrickson expands and explores the benefits of visual field notes as a way to supplement the ethnographer’s written notes. Whether she is drawing a conch shell or attaching an admission ticket to a description and sketch of an event, Hendrickson demonstrates how this can be especially helpful in remembering and organizing mass amounts of field notes, and since drawing is naturally reflexive, the ethnographer-as-tool can be critiqued as well.

Scissors, glue, and bits of the material world brought together on the plane of a journal page open up a universe of possibilities and enable the anthropologist to work as a bricoleur of fieldwork ephemera…The motivations for this sort of archival work vary and at different times reflect emotions, a sense of attachment, a recollection, a visual play, a classification, a kind of comment, and a general engagement with the materials and the ideas these carry (Hendrickson 2008:127)

Using visual field methods as employed by Hendrickson reduces the anxiety that ethnographer’s often express when attempting to later synthesize vast amounts of data. This echoes Malinowski’s approach to mapping out data originally gained through written notes and observations. By using a wide array of methods, I will attempt to tap into both social and self-knowledge. These methods will produce the evidence I need in collecting information from informants that parallel cultural artifacts and actions within rap culture.

What ethical concerns are raised by this project? How are you prepared for them? How will you protect the people with whom you work?

Ethical concerns over drug intake, alcohol usage, and illegal activities, especially when performed by minors, are my primary concerns with this project. There is the potential possibility that during my observations I may experience drug and alcohol use among my informants. Unless these activities prove detrimental to the informant’s mental or physical health, I do not plan to report what may be labeled as ‘problems’ to the authorities (parents, teachers, etc). My primary responsibility and trust goes to protecting my informants. After I finish my fieldwork, I intend to use fake pseudonyms to cover the identity of informants. In this way they are not implicated in whatever they may confide to me.

What contribution does your research make to the field (of either anthropology OR cultural studies)?

With most of my research being backed by theories of socialization and the effects of mass media, my research expands those two fields respectively. Assuming that my hypothesis is correct in that rap music socializes music, my proposed research of understanding to what degree this socialization occurs has the capacity to greatly supplement research within the field of media anthropology and other notions of agency and power. Also, fine-tuned research methods and my critical evaluation of the significance of these particular methods in particular situations make a considerable contribution in fieldwork methodology. This will help answer many questions, especially those that deal with the sensory experience and a push for visual anthropology. Anthropology will not be the only field to benefit from such research. Content analysis and the application of utilizing semiotics to understand visual symbols and representations may further critical research and look at new avenues in conducting analytical work. The greatest contribution, I believe, is the action of doing fieldwork in Baltimore, thus opening up more room for anthropologists and cultural studies scholars to carry out fieldwork in the inner city.

Monday, September 20, 2010

'Making Scary Kids' & 'Stupid Policy Tricks' in "The Culture of Fear"


In pages sixty-eight to seventy-four of The Culture of Fear, Glassner sheds light on how the media has altered society’s perspective on childhood violence. Highly covered media stories in the 1980’s and 90’s become markers in American history that suggest the beginning of these so-called epidemics. Thus linking ideas that rising and gruesome violence committed by preteens and teenagers has led to a new age of degeneracy and lawlessness. After these markers, the public becomes oversaturated with a redundant amount violence that is happening everywhere (even in the suburbs)! When one looks at 1950 advertisements and solicitations of the suburban lifestyle with the cliché “white-picket fence,” there is an absence of crime. It appears to be a safe-haven from booming, industrial cities where one can safely raise a family of two and a dog. There is still evidence of this suburban dream as reporters summarize the recent event. Glassner quotes the New York Times description of the area as, “a quiet neighborhood of neatly tended bungalows” (1999:69). Another paraphrased description states, “journalists stress that violent kids live not just in the South Bronx or South Central L.A. but in safe-seeming suburbs and small towns” (1999:68). From the perspective of an American who has freedoms and rights, one will most likely feel that his or her life and property is in immediate or possible danger. However, as Glassner states, if one closely analyzes the way the media tells (or chooses to tell) these stories, that particular American would realize there fears are dramatically exaggerated.

The constant and vivid retelling of teenagers and their crimes, the dedication of reporting on the anniversary of these crimes, and the so-called evidence that shows increases in violence are all methods of deception. Glassner notes two elements of journalism that are always present when referring to crimes and children. This being, “vivid depictions of the young criminals and their crimes, and numbers showing dramatic increases on some dimension or other” (1999:70). This can be seen in photographs, surveillance tapes, 911 dispatches, courtroom sketches, screenshots of MySpace pages, photocopied letters, and an entire slew of material that will intensify the audience’s experience and the magnitude of the crime. This bombardment of images and sounds, one might argue, is sensationalistic nonetheless, but still tells the story in a truthful manner (depending on the story). It becomes largely problematic when deceiving percentages of increases of crime are attached to sensationalist stories. Thus, leading to excessive fear mongering and an inaccurate response by local authorities, parents, teachers, and children themselves. Glassner identifies this as society’s unacknowledged guilt and inability to face the reality of societal and individual problems. For example, instead of funding programs and creating pathways for educating youth in Baltimore, officials have plans to build a $100 million (roughly) juvenile center for the city’s deviants. Not only does this overlook deeper problems, it doesn’t take into account that prison (or any anti-rehabilitative model) fosters crime rather than purging it. Additionally, going back to the actions of the media, it is important to look at what the media does not cover. At the time that correspondents were reporting on the anniversary of the teens who were shot while trick-or-treating, the city had a successful outdoor carnival without violence and violence in Pasadena had dropped 20 percent. However, that won’t get the New York Times higher ratings...

Sunday, May 16, 2010

AAA's video on race

I see this as a good educational video, but nothing more. They have obviously set out to make race seem as if it this horrible evil (notice the narration style and the omniscient music). There are several problems with race, but is it evil? In other words, do these problems produce only negative side effects of race?

Wednesday, May 12, 2010

Gil Scott Heron & the Flobots

When I first starting writing about the relationship between these two pieces I didn't think I would be posting it on the blog. However, I saw ideas of anthropological theory, globalization, and themes relevant to culture studies that prompted me to post my analysis. Expect more analyses on culture and literature!

“The revolution will not give your mouth sex appeal/ The revolution will not get rid of the nubs/ The revolution will not make you look five pounds thinner/ The revolution will not be televised, brother/…The revolution will be LIVE.”

“There is a war going on for your mind/ Media mavens mount surgical strikes from trapper keeper collages and online magazine racks/ CoverGirl cutouts throw up pop-up ads infecting victims with silicone shrapnel/ Worldwide passenger pigeons deploy paratroopers/ Now it's raining pornography, lovers take shelter/…We are the insurgents.”

The latter quote is the intro song to the Flobots’ debut album “Fight With Tools,” a highly charged political album that confronts issues of government power and the “nightmarish side of globalization” (Appadurai 2006). I present this song in analyzing Gil Scott Heron’s poem since the song resonates with a modern-day audience in relationship to themes of revolution in the 1970’s. The bombardment of media montages is viewed as an oversaturation of popular culture that is corrupting the minds of individuals. In Heron’s poem, he provides an overemphasis of this collage of popular images. In doing so, the reader becomes conscious of the mass production and advertisement of American culture that so many Americans ingest in everyday life. One might be motivated to believe that this is actually a revolution against “white culture” when Heron speaks about police brutality, soap operas, and Rare Earth. However, he also mentions several popular representations of African-American images like Julia, Willie Mae, and Watts. The revolution is not a revolution for the black man or woman—it is a revolution to regain consciousness from media montages. This revolution, however, is designed to systematically overthrow and undermine images of popular culture, thus reclaiming power over one’s own mind. The relationship between the two pieces is reinforced by the last phrase in each piece. In Heron’s poem, the phrase, “The revolution will be LIVE,” indicates the rejection of televised images and the reality of live actions that will take the media by storm. In an identical manner, the Flobots fight against this attack on the mind by proclaiming to be the insurgents. Insurgency and revolution go hand in hand in this context of destruction of media influence and the rebirth of psychological self-efficacy and individuality.

Saturday, May 8, 2010

Tibetan Diaspora: The construction of several Tibetan identities


From the moment the Dalai Lama stepped foot into exile, the Tibetan identity was uniquely challenged in response to the migration of Tibetans who followed the Dalai Lama into exile, those who migrated to Western countries, like America, and others who stayed within "China's Tibet". These three main groups categorize subcultures and alternate outlooks of the Tibetan identity. They often critique one another on not being Tibetan enough or assimilating to Sankritization, Americanization, or Sinicization. The rejection or fusion of other cultures upon Tibetan culture characterizes certain notions of authentic Tibetanness. Westerners are often seen romanticizing Tibet as a magnificent Shangri-La, frozen in time, and kept away from the fast-paced globalized world. However, Westerners are not the only ones who participate in romanticizing. Many scholars argue that the criteria of diasporic identities contains a great amount of imagination in constructing "mythico-history" (Malkki 1995) and "nostalgia without memory" (Appadurai 2000). In other words, the path of "becoming" Tibetan is, in part, forged by imagining the history and lifestyle of Tibet prior to 1959 and how one's identity becomes consistent with these views. Thus, romanticization is a necessary part of culture and should not be seen just as a Western phenomenon. In turn, this way of remembering Tibet also explains the creation and replication of Tibetan holidays and local events in places such as Dharamsala and California. While there are several commonalities that mark "Tibetan" as one identity, (i.e., tsampa-eaters, ancestry that stems from Tibet, and the recognition of the Dalai Lama as the spiritual leader) the lived experiences of Tibetans differ from region to region, creating subcultures of Tibetan identity. In congruence with mythico-history and "nostalgia without memory", certain aspects of culture that are uniquely Tibetan almost always take a different shape within the political, social, or economic milieu in the particular country of residence. Boellstorff explains this framework as "dubbing culture". "To 'dub' a discourse is neither to parrot it verbatim nor to compose an entirely new script. It is to hold together cultural logics without resolving them into a unitary whole" (2003:226). This paper will provide an analysis of the degree to which Tibetan diasporic identities have been dubbed and the reasoning for constructing this particular type of dubbed Tibetan identity.

(Paper is forthcoming...)

Friday, May 7, 2010

The Constitution & Manifestation of Culture

Click the "View FullScreen" icon represented by the 4 arrows extending outwards from the center.